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Smith Faculty
Opinion Article |
November 28,
2006 |
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By Dr. Peter Morici, Professor of
International Business
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Answering Chinese Mercantilism is Not
Protectionism,
Its Merely Self Defense
Democrats soon to control Congress
are frightening large multinational
corporations with promises to do
something about the U.S. international
trade deficit. Prominent newspapers are
publishing commentaries warning against
the perils of protectionism. As the
author of several tracts extolling the
virtues of free trade, I find these
reactions wrongheaded and
counterproductive.
Free trade is the logical
international extension of exchange
among individuals. Comparative advantage
permits each country to make more of
what it does best, import the rest, and
ratchet up living standards.
U.S. export industries, such as
industrial machinery and finance,
achieve more than10 percent greater
value added per worker than
import-competing industries, such as
consumer electronics and apparel. By
exporting $1500 billion each year and
buying a like amount of imports, the
United States saves enough labor to
raise GDP about $160 billion more than
$1000 for each American employed.
Sadly, the United States imports $810
million more than it exports. The
workers released from making those
additional imports go not into jobs in
export industries but into activities
that do not compete in trade, such as
restaurants and retailing, where labor
productivity is about 50 percent lower.
This redeployment of labor slices about
$400 billion off U.S. GDP.
It is easy to see how large trade
deficits can overwhelm the gains from
trade and undermine public support for
the U.S. free trade policies.
The federal budget deficit and
imported oil contribute importantly to
the trade deficit. However, the $250
billion federal deficit could not
possibly cause an $810 billion trade
deficit, and the $275 billion trade gap
with China now exceeds net petroleum
imports.
Imports outnumber exports with China
six to one. That is remarkable, because
China is the fastest growing market on
the planet for what Americans make
best capital goods, technology products,
financial services, and the like.
Many U.S. firms cannot export to
China or compete with Chinese products
in the United States, because China
maintains an artificially undervalued
currency, imposes high tariffs on
imports, offers subsidies to locate
production in China, limits what foreign
investors may buy outside China, and
enforces other industrial policies to
suppress imports and boost exports.
Less than half of Chinas price
advantage is created by inexpensive
labor. The rest, quite plainly, comes
from chiseling and cheating on the
rules.
Each year, China dumps enough yuan
into foreign exchange markets to
purchase more than $200 billion U.S.
dollars, other hard currencies and
securities. That keeps the yuan cheap,
Chinese goods artificially inexpensive
at Wal-Mart, and U.S. products very
expensive in China.
Other Asian governments must follow
variants of Chinas strategy lest their
industries lose markets to Chinese
exports. Not counting oil-rich
Indonesia, Asia accounts for more than
$435 billion of the $810 billion U.S.
trade deficit.
New taxes, budget cuts and hybrid
cars cannot plug that hole. Without
patching it, there is no hope for
sustaining American public support for
free trade.
International economists have long
known a dirty little secret about free
trade. A large country like China can
manipulate international prices to its
advantage and harm its trading partners,
much like an abusive monopolist, if
those actions go unanswered by other
large countries.
By rigging currency markets and other
bully tactics, China is doing just that:
increasing employment in high
productivity activities that compete in
trade, and stealing those jobs from the
United States and other western
economies.
Like the United States, Chinas labor
force grows at about 1 percent a year
but its GDP advances at better than 10
percent; meanwhile President Bush
suggests Americans should be content
growing at 3 percent or less.
World Trade Organization rules
recognize the harm that currency
manipulation, subsidies and other
industrial policies can cause, and
empower members to take compensating
actions if harmed.
Seen in this light, proposals like
those offered by Congressmen Duncan
Hunter and Tim Ryan, which would permit
U.S. industries injured by an
undervalued yuan to petition for
countervailing duties, are not
protectionist. Rather, those are
sensible responses to Chinese abuses of
free trade. Those would either motivate
China and others to quit cheating on the
rules of global commerce, or undo some
of the harm to the U.S. economy by
partially rebalancing trade and
recouping some lost GDP.
U.S. multinationals like GE,
Caterpillar, and IBM profit from Chinese
protectionism by relocating jobs to
China, India and other Asian
destinations. Meanwhile, along with
President Bush, their leaders have
labeled as protectionists Americans
protesting Chinese mercantilism and
advocating measured, meaningful
responses. That taunt has become the
scarlet letter of American economic
debate.
Such hypocrisy debases public
dialogue, and sadly makes those leaders
demagogues.
If you punch me in the nose, popping
you in the jaw is not criminal battery.
Answering Chinese mercantilism with
trade measures is nothing more than self
defense.
Peter Morici is a professor at the
University of Maryland School of Business
and former Chief Economist at the U.S.
International Trade Commission.
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